Singapore’s election 2025: Continuity, change, and democratic limits

With the 2025 general election, the city-State’s political trajectory reached a critical point under Lawrence Wong’s premiership. Even as the People’s Action Party (PAP) retained power, the election reflected changing voter expectations, opposition resilience, and the challenges of greater political liberalisation in a controlled democracy. A comparison of the 2025 election with the previous ones in 2015 and 2020 provides insight into both the continuity and subtle shifts within Singapore’s political landscape.

Singapore’s parliamentary system, combined with a strong executive and strict campaign regulations, has long been perceived as favouring the PAP. Since independence, the PAP has never lost an election and has consistently held a supermajority. The 2025 election was no exception: the PAP won 87 of 97 seats, increasing its vote share to 65.57%, a rebound from 61.2% in 2020. By contrast, in 2015, buoyed by nationalistic sentiments during Singapore’s 50th anniversary and the legacy of Lee Kuan Yew, the PAP secured 69.9% of the vote, one of its strongest showings in recent years.

The use of Group Representation Constituencies (GRC), restrictions on media, and limited campaign periods raise concerns about fairness. These institutional mechanisms, unchanged in 2025, contribute to the PAP’s dominance. The Electoral Boundaries Review Committee, appointed by the Prime Minister (PM)’s Office, has frequently redrawn constituencies in ways that critics argue disadvantage opposition strongholds—an issue consistent across all three elections.

A significant difference between 2025 and earlier elections lies in leadership. PM Lawrence Wong, who took office in 2022, led the PAP into a general election for the first time. In contrast, Lee Hsien Loong had led the party during the 2006, 2011, 2015, and 2020 elections. Wong’s leadership was a test of whether the PAP’s fourth-generation (4G) team could command the same level of trust and legitimacy among the voters.

While the PAP’s slight vote recovery in 2025 indicates some voter confidence in Wong’s leadership, it is equally plausible that the electorate was motivated by fears of instability amidst global economic headwinds. The Covid-19 pandemic, political corruption scandals, and rising geopolitical tensions between the US and China all formed the backdrop for 2025. Wong campaigned on issues of continuity and stability, but his popularity is yet to match Lee Kuan Yew or even Lee Hsien Loong. This suggests a future vulnerability for the PAP if governance challenges mount.

The Workers’ Party (WP), widely seen as the most credible opposition force, retained 10 elected seats in 2025. Including two Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seats, its total parliamentary representation stood at 12—identical to 2020. This marked a plateau in opposition gains, despite a more professional campaign, growing youth support, and targeted messaging on the cost of living, housing, and transparency.

In 2015, the WP held six elected seats, and despite a national swing toward the PAP, managed to retain its Aljunied GRC, a symbolic breakthrough it first achieved in 2011. By 2020, the WP had gained Sengkang GRC, signalling a growing acceptance of opposition governance in young, urban constituencies. However, in 2025, it failed to expand beyond these areas, suggesting structural limits to opposition growth within the existing political framework.

Smaller opposition parties, such as the Progress Singapore Party (PSP), which made headlines in 2020 with the entry of former PAP MP Tan Cheng Bock, struggled to gain traction in 2025. This reflects a consolidation of opposition support around the WP, but also public scepticism about lesser-known challengers lacking parliamentary experience.

Many of the concerns in 2025 mirrored those of the 2020 election—cost of living, income inequality, job security, and housing affordability. However, these issues were framed more sharply due to inflationary pressures and a volatile global economy. The PAP attempted to assure voters of its economic stewardship, while the opposition capitalised on growing discontent, especially among younger voters facing stagnant wages and high home prices.

Another critical theme for 2025 was governance and integrity. The PAP’s long-standing image of incorruptibility has come under stress through a series of scandals. Notably, former transport minister S Iswaran was charged with corruption in 2024—the first such case in decades. Additionally, public backlash erupted over ministers’ interactions with a convicted money launderer, further eroding public trust. These events echoed concerns raised in 2011 about ministerial salaries and the arrogance of the elite, but they struck harder in 2025 because they contradicted the PAP’s post-2020 reformist image.

While the party took swift action to discipline members involved, opposition parties framed these incidents as signs of systemic opacity. The WP’s call for more robust institutional checks and balances resonated in this context but fell short of tipping the electoral scale.

The 2025 election also highlighted demographic shifts in political attitudes. Young voters, particularly those aged 21–35, expressed growing frustration with the status quo. While many still supported the PAP for pragmatic reasons, surveys indicated increasing openness to diverse political voices. The WP’s messaging on sustainability, education reforms, and political diversity aligned well with the youth.

However, overall, voter behaviour still remained cautious. Unlike in western democracies, where political polarisation can lead to major power shifts, Singaporean voters tend to favour incremental change within a secure political framework. This dynamic, seen clearly in the cautious expansion of opposition seats in both 2020 and 2025, reveals a political culture that values competence over ideology—a double-edged sword for reform.

Voter turnout in 2025 stood at 93.1%, comparable to 95.6% in 2020 and 93.6% in 2015, reflecting continued high civic engagement. However, voter sentiment appeared more subdued. The 2015 election was energised by the passing of founding father Lee Kuan Yew, while 2020 was marked by pandemic-related uncertainty and a digital-heavy campaign. In contrast, 2025 saw a more technocratic and policy-driven campaign, with fewer emotional appeals and a greater focus on technocratic competence. Innovative use of social media platforms is another defining feature of the 2025 general election in the country.

Singapore’s political system has long been characterised by stability, centralised power, limited opposition, and a cautious electorate. Yet, when compared to 2015 and 2020, it also revealed signs of political maturity. The electorate is becoming more discerning, less deferential, and more concerned about accountability. The PAP’s dominance, while still overwhelming, is now contingent on its ability to maintain transparency and manage socioeconomic tensions while also maintaining high economic growth.

Whether Singapore moves toward a more pluralistic political model or maintains the status quo will depend on how both the ruling party and opposition respond to transforming public expectations. The 2025 election may not have radically altered the political map, but it sets the stage for deeper questions about governance, legitimacy, and the future of democracy in one of Asia’s most successful yet tightly managed States.

This article is authored by Rahul Mishra, associate professor, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and senior research fellow, Thammasat University, Thailand.